China’s Civil Service Ranking

China’s Civil Service Ranking

Understanding China’s civil service ranking is critical in deciphering power dynamics in Chinese politics. Due to strict requirements for political advancement, any exceptions to the rule indicate a promising or stagnant political career.

Key takeaways
  • National and sub-national level rankings can indicate national priority preferences, such as whether top leadership is focused on economic growth or anti-corruption.
  • Promotions for officials that deviate from conventional or unspoken rules indicates political patronage and positive career trajectory.
  • Leadership cadres and their secretaries are both subject to civil service ranking requirements. As a result, previous secretaries may continue to serve as trusted confidants in an unofficial capacity when either the patron or client is promoted.
  • Seating arrangements in media appearances or conferences can indicate promotions or demotions prior to official announcements.
Overview

Civil service ranking in China is often an underexamined topic when analyzing Chinese politics. The current bureaucracy reflects an evolution of Chinese governance that dates back to the imperial dynasties and administrative ranks developed in the Han and subsequent dynasties. After the establishment of the PRC, the Chinese civil service system was built on the Soviet nomenklatura model with a few adaptations. To understand governance in modern China, one must have a solid grasp of the administrative structure and relative power of different positions within the Chinese bureaucracy.

Why is familiarity with civil service ranking important? Due to strict requirements for political advancements, any exceptions to the rule indicate a promising political trajectory, and vice versa. Additionally, civil service rankings can explain the movements of leadership secretaries, whereby secretaries faced with term limits are promoted into a higher rank and may still serve as a close confidant without the official designation.1

The table below outlines the five highest leadership ranks in the PRC.

Leadership LevelExamples
National level (国家级正职)Politburo Standing Committee members, President, Premier, NPC Chairman, NPC Chairman, CPPCC Chairman, CMC Chairman
Sub-National level (国家级副职)Politburo members, Vice Premiers, State Councilors, NPC Vice Chairmen, CPPCC Vice Chairmen, Vice President, CMC Vice Chairmen
Provincial/Ministerial-level (省部级正职)Provincial Party Secretaries, Governors, State Council Ministers, head of key bureau-level departments
Sub-Provincial/Deputy-Ministerial level (省部级副职)Provincial Standing Committee members, State Council Deputy-Ministers, deputy-heads of key bureau-level departments
Department/Bureau level (厅局级正职)Department heads

National level (国家级正职)

The Politburo Standing Committee, a seven-member subset of the Politburo, represents the pinnacle of Chinese leadership. As such, all seven members are at the highest civil service ranking of national level.

Staple positions at the national level include the top leader (一把手) within the “Five Leading Organs” (五大班子). These are the General Secretary of the CCP, the Premier of the State Council, the Chairman of the National People’s Congress (NPC), the Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC). Since Jiang Zemin, the General Secretary of the CCP has concurrently served as the Chairman of the CMC with the exception of a two-year gap during the Jiang-Hu handover in 2002.

Within both the 19th and 20th Politburo Standing Committees, the remaining positions within the Standing Committee are the First-ranked Secretary of the Secretariat, the First-ranked Vice Premier of the State Council, and the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI). Notably, the rankings of the First-ranked Vice Premier and Secretary of the CCDI fluctuated over the past two decades. In both the 18th and 19th Politburo Standing Committee, the CCDI Secretary was the 6th-ranked member and the First-ranked Vice Premier was the 7th-ranked member. This order is reversed in the 16th, 17th, and 20th Politburo Standing Committees, signaling priority shifts between economic growth and corruption crackdown. Crucially, this indicates that political rankings at the highest level can indicate national priority preferences, such as whether top leadership is focused on economic growth or anti-corruption crackdowns.

Since Xi Jinping’s first term (2012-2017), a key position that was demoted from the Politburo Standing Committee to the Politburo was the Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission (CPLC), a powerful organization that oversees the country’s security apparatus, including the Ministry of Public Security, Ministry of State Security, and the People’s Armed Police. This demotion was due in large part to the purge of former CPLC Secretary Zhou Yongkang, who’s control over the the internal security apparatus raised concerns within the Chinese leadership.

Sub-National level (国家级副职)

The sub-national level consists of all non-Standing Committee Politburo members, Central Secretariat members, State Council Vice Premiers and State Councilors, CMC Vice Chairmen, NPC Vice Chairmen, CPPCC Vice Chairmen, the Director of the National Supervisory Commission, the President of the Supreme People’s Court, and the Procurator-General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate.

An interesting case is the 8th-ranked official, Han Zheng who, despite occupying a sub-national level post as Vice President, continues to enjoy national-level privileges as a former member of the 19th Politburo Standing Committee.

Provincial/Ministerial level (省部级正职)

Although there are no written requirements, all civilians within the roughly two hundred full members of the CCP Central Committee are at the provincial/ministerial level or higher based on the positions they hold within the Party and the government. Notably, there are numerous officials at the provincial/ministerial-level who are not full or alternate members of the Central Committee. One such example is sub-national level official Jiang Xinzhi, who served as the Deputy-Head of the Central Organization Department (provincial/ministerial level) and is a current Vice Chairmen of the CPPCC. Other important positions, such as the Group Leaders for Inspection Work (巡视组组长) under the Central Leading Group for Inspection Work and the Director of the Central Policy Research Office (CPRO), are also at the provincial/ministerial level due to the positions’ significance.

There are essentially three cohorts of provincial-ministerial level officials:

  • At the provincial level, the top-ranked leader of the “Four Leading Organs” (四套班子), the Provincial Party Secretary, Governor, Provincial People’s Congress Chair, and the Provincial CPPCC Chair, in each of China’s 31 provinces are at the provincial-ministerial level.
  • Within the State Council, the top-ranked leader of State Council ministries and commissions, heads of major state institutions such as the People’s Bank of China and the National Audit Office, as well as top-ranked official in centrally-managed state-owned enterprises
  • Within the Central Party apparatus, for departments where the top leader is at national or sub-national level, the deputy position is at provincial-ministerial level. Examples include the deputy-heads of the Central Organization Department, Central Publicity Department, United Front Work Department. In special cases where a lower-ranked department is of exceptional importance, such as the CCP Central Committee General Office, the Deputy Director is also at the provincial-ministerial level.

Sub-Provincial/Deputy-Ministerial level (省部级副职)

The sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level is a critical milestone in the careers of Chinese bureaucrats. Officials above this rank are referred to as “high-ranking cadres” (高级干部). Apart from a select few highly important department/bureau level positions, the Central Organization Department manages appointments, dismissals, and dossiers of all cadres above the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level. As such, all Chinese officials above the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level are referred to as centrally-managed cadres (中管干部).

The vast majority of civilian alternate members of the Central Committee are at the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level. Following the logic of the three cohorts outlined above, the deputy positions of these provinces, ministries, and offices are necessarily at the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level.

Department/bureau level and below

Below the sub-provincial and deputy-ministerial level, civil service rankings are organized in a dual-track system that consists of the following: leadership civil servants (公务员领导职务) and generalist civil servants (综合管理类公务员).2

Department/Bureau level (厅局级正职)

The department/bureau level encompasses a broad spectrum of officials. Examples of department/bureau level posts include division chiefs within central ministries and departments of the CCPCC and State Council, sub-provincial level city deputy leaders, prefecture-level city party and government heads, as well deputy positions within deputy-ministerial level state-owned enterprises.

Leadership civil servants and generalist civil servants can occupy the same civil service rank. To better understanding this concept of rank equivalence, we can look at the example of a Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group (中央巡视组), subordinate to the CCDI, stationed in the Ministry of Emergency Management. From open source information, as of August 2025 the Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group consisted of the following members:3

  • Pu Yufei, Head of the Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Ministry (department/bureau-level)
  • Qiao Yinghong, Deputy Head of Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Ministry (department/bureau-level)
  • Ding Yi, Deputy Head of Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Ministry (level 1 bureau rank official)
  • Liu Xiaoxiao, Deputy Head of Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Ministry (level 1 bureau rank official)

Note that all four of the above officials occupy the same civil service rank. The difference is that Pu Yufei and Qiao Yinghong are considered leadership civil servants whereas Ding Yi and Liu Xiaoxiao are generalist civil servants. To highlight the importance and power of Discipline Inspection and Supervision Groups, all four officials occupy the same rank as a municipal Party Secretary in a non-Provincial-level city. Whereas Inspection Group leaders may not manage any personnel at all, they ostensibly hold more power than a municipal Party Secretary who governs millions of civilians.

The following table compares the leadership positions at the department/bureau level and below with the minimum equivalent ranks for generalist civil servants.

Leadership Positions (Sub-Department level and below)Minimum Equivalent Generalist Civil Service Rank
Department/Bureau level (厅局级正职)Level 1 Bureau Rank Official (一级巡视员)
Deputy Department/Bureau level (厅局级副职)Level 2 Bureau Rank Official (二级巡视员)
County/Division level (县处级正职)Level 2 Division Rank Official (二级调研员)
Deputy County/Division level (县处级副职)Level 4 Division Rank Official (四级调研员)
Township/Section level (乡科级正职)Level 2 Principal Staff Member (二级主任科员)
Deputy Township/Section level (乡科级副职)Level 4 Principal Staff Member (四级主任科员)

Promotions of Generalist Civil Servants

According to Baidu Baike, the average time required for a staff member to reach the department/bureau level is 25 years and the average age of a department/bureau level cadre is 55.4 This benchmark is a useful guideline to measure the speed at which cadres are promoted. China watchers pay particular attention to cadres who are promoted faster than average, often indicating strong political patronage and/or achievements.

There are a total of twelve levels for generalist civil servants. Notably, civil service rankings below deputy department/bureau-level are often mistranslated as “inspectors” or “investigators” in the cases of “巡视员” and “调研员,” respectively.5 The table below outlines each rank and requirements for advancement.

Generalist Civil Service RankBasic Requirements
Level 1 Bureau Rank Official (一级巡视员)At least four years at Deputy Department/Bureau-level or as Level 2 Bureau Rank Official
Level 2 Bureau Rank Official (二级巡视员)At least four years as Level 1 Division Rank Official
Level 1 Division Rank Official (一级调研员)At least three years at County/Division-level or as Level 2 Division Rank Official
Level 2 Division Rank Official (二级调研员)At least two years as Level 3 Division Rank Official
Level 3 Division Rank Official (三级调研员)At least two years at Deputy County/Division-level or as Level 4 Division Rank Official
Level 4 Division Rank Official (四级调研员)At least two years as Level 1 Principal Staff Member
Level 1 Principal Staff Member (一级主任科员)At least two years at Township/Section-level or as Level 2 Principal Staff Member
Level 2 Principal Staff Member (二级主任科员)At least two years as Level 3 Principal Staff Member
Level 3 Principal Staff Member (三级主任科员)At least two years at Deputy Township/Section-level or as Level 4 Principal Staff Member
Level 4 Principal Staff Member (四级主任科员)At least two years as Level 1 Staff Member
Level 1 Staff Member (一级科员)At least two years as Level 2 Staff Member
Level 2 Staff Member (二级科员)
Highest applicable rank

In cases where leadership cadres hold multiple positions, the highest applicable rank applies. Cadres with political patronage are sometimes appointed a higher-ranking ceremonial position to enhance their status and benefits.

It is important to note that some individuals hold several positions of various ranks. In such cases, the concept of “highest applicable rank” applies and the cadre receives salaries and benefits associated with the highest civil service rank. Leadership cadres holding multiple positions concurrently usually indicates higher trust and decision-making influence within the PRC. Another scenario is where leadership cadres past the conventional retirement age are appointed higher-ranking ceremonial positions within the NPC and CPPCC to enhance their status and benefits.

The clearest example that illustrates this point is the concurrent positions held by He Lifeng between 2018 and 2023. He was simultaneously the Chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission (provincial/ministerial level) and a Vice Chairman of the CPPCC (sub-national level). He undoubtedly spent the majority of his time dedicated to the NDRC while enjoying benefits associated with a higher ranking. He Lifeng is widely regarded as a close confidant of Xi Jinping and much of his political ascension is linked to the working relationships developed while the two were serving in Fujian. In 2023, at the conventional retirement age of 68, He Lifeng was once again promoted as Vice Premier and the Director of the Office of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission.

Another example is Jiang Xinzhi, who served as former Executive Deputy-Head (常务副部长) of the Central Organization Department (provincial/ministerial level) from 2017 to 2024 and whom was also a Vice Chairman of the CPPCC from 2023 onwards. Jiang Xinzhi’s appointment as Vice Chairman of the CPPCC is likely due to his surpassing the provincial/ministerial level retirement age of 65. The Executive Deputy-Head of the Central Organization Department is an important position that has influence over key personnel decisions. Jiang Xinzhi has spent decades working in personnel management, beginning in Gansu. His rise is largely associated with the former Central Organization Department Head Chen Xi.

The last example is Liu Jinguo, who has served as Deputy Secretary of the CCDI (provincial/ministerial level) since 2014. Liu concurrently holds two other higher ranked positions as Director of the National Supervisory Commission (NSC) and Secretary of the Central Secretariat, both at the sub-national level. Despite being at the age of 67, Liu Jinguo was appointed as Director of the NSC in 2023. Liu Jinguo’s portfolio indicates tremendous influence over the Party’s disciplinary investigations of high-ranking cadres.

Leadership secretaries

According to stipulations by the Central Organization Department, only leadership cadres above the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level are permitted to have secretaries in a formal capacity. In practice, almost all leadership civil servants at or below the department/bureau level have assistants that serve secretarial functions as the director or secretary-general of the department’s general office. Strictly speaking, these assistants cannot be referred to secretaries in official documents or announcements.

Leadership secretaries are subject to civil service ranking and term limit requirements. Secretaries of provincial/ministerial level officials cannot exceed the deputy department/bureau level and secretaries of sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level officials cannot exceed the county/division level.6 Typically, secretaries of sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level officials can serve a maximum of five years unless otherwise approved by the Central Organization Department.

Left: Dong Hong appearing in court. Right: Wang Qishan

Knowledge of these requirements have interesting applications in analyzing Chinese politics. In October 2020, CCDI announced an investigation into Dong Hong, a former aide of CCDI Secretary Wang Qishan.7 One article argues that, despite a widely believed patron-client relationship between Dong Hong and Wang Qishan, the two were not as closely linked since Dong Hong did not serve as Wang Qishan’s formal secretary.8 A closer look reviews that while Wang Qishan ascended to the 17th Politburo as Executive Vice Premier in 2008 (sub-national level) and as CCDI Secretary (national level) in the 18th Politburo, Dong Hong was already at the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level as the Group Leader of the 12th Central Inspection Group from 2014 to 2015. Therefore, Dong Hong was ineligible to serve as Wang Qishan’s secretary in an official capacity. Nevertheless, Dong Hong’s appointment in a key position within the CCDI in a time that overlapped with Wang Qishan-led anti-corruption campaign suggests a strong patron-client relationship, especially given the two’s well-documented work history.

Analyzing seating arrangements

Seating arrangements can indicate promotions or demotions prior to official announcements.

Due to the opacity of the Chinese political system, China watchers have long been using seating arrangements in publicized meetings to determine promotions. For prominent public-facing positions such as Provincial Party Secretaries, State Council Ministers, and Politburo members, personnel appointments and dismissals are either made public or quickly noticed by the casual observer. For other lower-ranked but equally important departments such as the Central Committee General Office and the Central Policy Research Office, personnel movements are often unannounced until several months after the fact.

In the following images, we can see how understanding the relative ranks of top officials can indicate internal promotions. Specifically, public appearances of Chinese officials are seated according to rank, which allows astute observers to identify promotions or abnormal absences. The example we will use is Tang Fangyu, the newly promoted CPRO Director, who replaced incumbent CPRO Director Jiang Jinquan in late 2025.

Xi Jinping and officials meeting with international business representatives, March 28th, 2025

The image above shows a meeting on March 28th, 2025, whereby Xi Jinping and several top officials met with international business representatives in Beijing.9 The alternating seating arrangements clearly indicate the officials’ ranks. In descending order the officials are:

  1. Xi Jinping, CCP General Secretary (national level)
  2. Cai Qi, 5th-ranked member of the Politburo and First Secretary of the Central Secretariat (sub-national level)
  3. Wang Yi, Politburo member and Director of the Central Committee Foreign Affairs Commission (CFAC) Office (sub-national level)
  4. He Lifeng, Politburo member and Director of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission (CFEAC) Office (sub-national level)
  5. Zheng Shanjie, Chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) (provincial/ministerial level)
  6. Lan Fo’an, Minister of Finance (provincial/ministerial level)
  7. Wang Wentao, Minister of Commerce (provincial/ministerial level)
  8. Tang Fangyu, Deputy Director of the Central Policy Research Office (CPRO) (provincial/ministerial level)
  9. Ma Zhaoxu, Executive Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) (provincial/ministerial level)

There are several important learnings from the rankings above. Firstly, although Wang Yi and He Lifeng are both Politburo members, Wang Yi is ranked higher than He Lifeng simply because Wang’s surname contains fewer strokes. The relative rankings do not indicate the importance of the CFAC over CFEAC. The rankings of Zheng Shanjie, Lan Fo’an, and Wang Wentao are according to the ranks of the constitute departments of the State Council.10 The NDRC, Ministry of Finance, and Ministry of Commerce are ranked third, twelfth, and twentieth, respectively. Lastly, although both Tang Fangyu and Ma Zhaoxu are at the provincial/ministerial level, Tang Fangyu is ranked higher due to the relative ranking of the CPRO over the MFA.

Officials taking notes during a Politburo study session on December 8th, 2025

The image above is taken from CCTV footage released on December 8th, 2025, showing the attendees of a Politburo study session to discuss economic work for the upcoming year. From this footage we can see that Tang Fangyu is seated before several officials. These officials are:

  1. Tang Fangyu, Deputy (?) Director of the CPRO (provincial/ministerial level)
  2. Han Wenxiu, Executive Deputy Director of the CFEAC Office (provincial/ministerial level)
  3. Wang Zhijun, Executive Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council (provincial/ministerial level)
  4. Huai Jinpeng, Minister of Education (provincial/ministerial level)
  5. Wang Wentao, Minister of Commerce (provincial/ministerial level)

This seating arrangement indicates that Tang Fangyu has, as of December 8th, 2025, succeeded Jiang Jinquan as Director of the CPRO. To come to this conclusion, we must first determine that the seating arrangements are aligned with the officials’ ranks. Not shown in this image is Li Lecheng, Minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT), seated to the left of Huai Jinpeng. We see that the seating arrangement follows State Council department rankings as the Ministry of Education, MIIT, and Ministry of Commerce are ranked fourth, sixth, and twentieth, respectively. In contrast to the meeting eight months prior, we see that Tang Fangyu now occupies a higher rank compared to Wang Wentao and is seated ahead of all State Council Ministers. On January 14, 2026, CCTV first reported Tang Fangyu as the CPRO Director.11

Retirement age

In general, a higher civil service ranking is linked to a higher retirement age. For normal civil servants, the retirement age for men and women is 60 and 55, respectively. Officials at the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level, the retirement age is typically between 60 and 65. For provincial/ministerial level officials, the retirement age is 65 but can be extended by three years if the official passes retirement age during the posting. For sub-national level officials and national level officials, retirement age is typically set at 70 and 75, respectively.

An unspoken rule, “Seven-up-eight-down” (七上八下), regarding retirement age stipulation for Politburo members at the national and sub-national level was formed during the Deng Xiaoping era. This rule meant that, at the time of a National Party Congress, Central Committee or Politburo members who were aged 67 and under may be appointed new positions in the Politburo, whereas those aged 68 and over must retire. At the start of Xi Jinping’s third term, this rule was broken as Xi was 69 years old during the 20th Party Congress.

A similar convention existed since the 1990’s regarding Central Committee membership, known as the “Three-up-four-down” (三上四不上). This rule meant that officials at the age of 63 and during the National Party Congress could be elected into the Central Committee, whereas those aged 64 and older could not be considered. In practice, this unspoken rule contains many more exceptions.

Key terms
  • High-ranking cadres (高级干部 or 高干) — officials at the sub-provincial/deputy-ministerial level and above
  • Centrally-managed cadres (中管干部) — officials whose appointments, dismissals, and dossiers are managed by the Central Organization Department
  • Children of high-ranking cadres (高干子弟) — sons and daughters of high-ranking cadres
  • Top leader (一把手) — the top-ranked official in any jurisdiction
Notes:
  1. For more information on term limits of secretaries, see Central Organization Department. ↩︎
  2. “行政级别” (Administrative Levels), Baidu Baike. For more information see https://baike.baidu.com/item/行政级别/3545613 ↩︎
  3. For a full list of Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group members stationed in the Ministry of Emergency Management, see https://www.mem.gov.cn/jjz/ldxx/202508/t20250820_555612.shtml ↩︎
  4. “厅局级正职” (Department/Bureau Level), Baidu Baike. For more information see https://baike.baidu.com/item/%E5%8E%85%E5%B1%80%E7%BA%A7%E6%AD%A3%E8%81%8C/7942565 ↩︎
  5. Conventions are taken from the General Guidelines for the Use of English for Institutional Names and Professional Titles (组织机构,职务职称英文译写通则), issued by the Beijing Municipal Market Supervision and Administration Bureau. For more information see https://scjgj.beijing.gov.cn/hdjl/myzj/bzzxdyjzj/202011/P020250514383411510450.pdf ↩︎
  6. For more information on regulations regarding leadership secretaries see https://m.163.com/dy/article_cambrian/IUUKMRE60552XV67.html ↩︎
  7. Matt Ho, “China investigates former aide of Vice-President Wang Qishan for alleged corruption.” SCMP, October 2020, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3103988/china-probes-former-aide-vice-president-wang-qishan-alleged ↩︎
  8. “Analyzing the Purge of Wang Qishan Aide Dong Hong,” SinoInsider, October 11, 2020. https://sinoinsider.com/2020/10/analyzing-the-purge-of-wang-qishan-aide-dong-hong/ ↩︎
  9. This was first noticed by China watcher @cnpoliwatch (中国人事观察). For the original link see https://x.com/cnpoliwatch/status/1905587692207046945 ↩︎
  10. For more information on the ranks of the 26 constituent departments of the State Council, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constituent_departments_of_the_State_Council ↩︎
  11. “总台举办学习宣传贯彻党的二十届四中全会精神宣讲报告会” CCTV. For more information see https://www.cctv.com/2026/01/14/ARTIspptXdHdzVDzznI6p64D260114.shtml ↩︎

Entering and Exiting the Central Organization Department (进出中组部)

Entering and Exiting the Central Organization Department (进出中组部)

“青年干部局是太庙,个个菩萨都要好的” – 陈云, 1981年 7月

“The Youth Cadre Bureau is like the Imperial Ancestral Temple, [everyone] in it must be of high quality.” – Chen Yun, July 1981

Author’s background

For China watchers, the importance of the Central Organization Department is well understood. Even for those in the system, personnel management is opaque and carefully handled. It is rare that an individual with experience working in the department publishes insights into the department and even more noteworthy when one has worked in perhaps the Central Organization Department’s most important bureau. That is the case with Yan Huai, the author of Entering and Exiting the Central Organization Department (进出中组部). The most interesting section of the book is Yan’s account of his tenure from 1982 to 1986 in the then-newly created Youth Cadre Bureau of the Central Organization Department.

The book starts with the author’s account of his upbringing in Beijing. Of particular importance is his longstanding relationship with Chen Yuan, the son of conservative PRC elder Chen Yun. The duo had met in Tsinghua University in 1966 as Red Guards, at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Along with Chen Yuan, a third student by the name of Song Kehuang, son of PRC elder Song Renqiong, also became an accomplice of Yan. Unforeseeable to Yan, both Chen Yun and Song Renqiong would go on to play key roles in reestablishing the Central Organization Department in the post-Mao era, and Yan would be invited along for the ride.

Left: Yan Huai (author). Right: Chen Yuan, son of Chen Yun

Entering the COD’s Youth Cadre Bureau

In the early 1980’s, PRC elites began to ponder the issue of succession planning. A famous phrase by Chen Yun, then the de facto second-in-command within the Party, states that “power must be handed to our offspring, or our tombs will be dug up in the future.”1 While the attribution of this quote is contentious, the concept of hereditary succession is a core institutional feature of imperial China. It is unsurprising that, in a system lacking formal checks and balances, Chinese elites hold a similar view over generational power transfers.

The first mention of the term “Youth Cadre Bureau” (青年干部局) came from a document2 drafted by Chen Yun in May 1981. Over the next year, Yan’s childhood friend Chen Yuan would persuade Yan to join the Youth Cadre Bureau. Li Rui, the former mishu (private secretary) of both Chen Yun and Mao Zedong, would be chosen to lead the bureau. In March of 1982, the CCP Central Committee formally approved the creation of the Youth Cadre Bureau under the Central Organization Department.

In May of 1983, at a symposium of the Sixth National People’s Congress, CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang first put forward the concept of the “third echelon.” During the Central Work Conference in June, Chen Yun affirmed the use of the term “third echelon.” Crucially, this marked the start of an effort by the Central Organization Department to systematically develop leadership talent for provincial- and ministerial-level positions.

Third echelon and selected graduates

In May of 1983 CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang coined the term “third echelon” (第三梯队), referring to a planned cohort of young, university-educated cadres selected for cultivation as future party and state leaders. At the time, the PRC elders were regarded as the “first echelon” and the Party and State Council leaders were the “second echelon.” As both groups were aging, the Party needed a mechanism to select the next generation of leadership cadres.

In the same month, the Central Organization Department published a document3 that stipulated the selection and cultivation of “selected graduates” (选调生), which would later become a crucial stream for which talented graduates entered civil service. Youth Cadre Bureau chief Li Rui passed on Xi Zhongxun’s directives that each province would select a cohort among young university graduates to be sent to communes, production brigades, and factories for cultivation before selecting the best of which to be promoted to leadership posts at various levels. Yan Huai recalls his encounter with Li Keqiang, then-Secretary of the Communist Youth League at Peking University, during which Li’s humility and maturity left a lasting impression. By July of 1983, there were over 2,000 selected graduates who were sent down to the grassroots for training. By 1985, there were a total of 12,700 selected graduates nationwide. The selected graduates stream carries on into present day China. In February of 2008, Xi Jinping, then-newly promoted member of the Politburo Standing Committee, commented on the importance of upholding and improving the selected graduates system, exactly twenty-five years after his father’s initial proposal.

Left: CMC Chairman Deng Xiaoping with CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang. Right: Li Rui, bureau chief of the Youth Cadre Bureau and former secretary to Mao Zedong

Several months later, the Central Organization Department published a document4 for each province to select candidates as reserve cadres for leadership positions at both the provincial and central level. Each province was to nominate twenty candidates and each central ministry or department was to nominate five candidates, for a total of 1,000 reserve cadres. Criteria to select these candidates included performance during the Cultural Revolution, political correctness, vocational college experience, and approximately between the ages of forty to forty-five. This important document was the first institutional attempt to create the “third echelon” of cadres, and subsequently became top priority of the Central Organization Department’s Youth Cadre Bureau.

In August of 1984, the list of provincially-nominated “third echelon” reserve cadres totaled 632 candidates. Yan Huai and his colleagues wrote 500-word summaries on each candidate to be sent to the Politburo. Some interesting stats for the candidates include:

  • Demographic: average age of 43.5, 14% females, and 10% ethnic minorities
  • Education: 91% university graduates (including post-graduates), 7% high-school graduates, and 2% middle-school graduates
  • Family background: 84% working class, 11% exploiting class, and 5% revolutionary cadres
  • Performance during the Cultural Revolution: 39% were targeted, 46% untargeted, 14% offered resistance, and 1% committed errors
  • Current position: 1% at provincial/ministerial level, 26% at department/bureau level, 57% at deputy department/bureau level, and 16% at county/division level

It is especially noteworthy that, of the 632 candidates, only 5% came from revolutionary families (红色家族). However, as one observes the career trajectories of these reserve cadres, it appears that these revolutionary descendants hold disproportionately high positions of importance in the decades that followed. The most obvious example is the case of Xi Jinping, whom Yan Huai personally assessed.

At the end of 1985, the finalized list of provincial reserve cadres totaled 1,009 candidates, combining provincially-nominated candidates with nominees from Central Party and State Council organizations. Yan Huai notes that from the 15th to 18th Party Congress, over half of the Politburo were on the original “third echelon” list, and all but two members of the 17th and 18th Politburo Standing Committee were “third echelon” reserve cadres.

Evaluation of Xi Jinping

Within the Youth Cadre Bureau, Yan Huai was responsible for assessing candidates in the North and Northeast regions of China. During a trip to Hebei province in October of 1983, Yan conducted a special evaluation of Xi Jinping, then the thirty year-old Party Secretary of Zhengding County in Hebei. Yan notes that the assessment of Xi was special in three aspects. First, the assessment was requested by Youth Cadre Bureau chief Li Rui, which was unusual in the case that Li had not singled out any other candidates by name previously. Secondly, Xi had only been sent down to Zhengding County the previous year and thus lacked consistent political achievements otherwise required from potential candidates. Lastly, Xi had not been recommended by the province as a reserve cadre, and was thus not in the usual purview of Youth Cadre Bureau assessments.

Due to peculiarity of the Xi case, Yan Huai and the team conducted a quick routine assessment consisting of three stages. The first stage was a group interview with leadership within the county’s Party and government, including department heads under Xi while Xi was Deputy Party Secretary of Zhengding County from 1982 to 1983. The individuals were asked to speak to Xi’s political achievements and errors, as well as personal strengths and weaknesses. The second stage consisted of one-on-one interviews with the same individuals, aimed at prying for details from those that had reservations during the group interview to speak negatively of Xi in public. The last stage was an interview with Xi Jinping himself, during which Xi was asked to discuss his work achievements, personal assessment of strengths and shortcomings, as well as explanations of any negative sentiments that were brought up from peer interviews.

Left: Li Zhanshu, Party Secretary of Wuji County from 1983-1985. Center: Xi Jinping, Party Secretary of Zhengding County from 1983-1985. Right: Li Zhanshu, Chairman of the National People’s Congress and Xi Jinping, CCP General Secretary

In 1984, Xi Jinping and Li Zhanshu, then Party Secretary of the neighboring Wuji County, underwent formal evaluations by the Central Organization Department’s “third echelon” assessment group and were both selected as provincial-level “third echelon” reserve cadres for Hebei Province.

Unbeknownst to everyone, Xi and Li would become the first and third ranked Party leaders of the CCP several decades later.

Inner workings of the Central Organization Department

Yan Huai reveals that provincial personnel approvals was a two-part process. First, approvals from the corresponding Central Organization Department Deputy-Heads was required. Once approved, officials visited the department’s archives to examine provincial leadership dossiers, where no written notes were permitted in or out of the archives. Officials had to commit to memory key details on provincial leadership candidates. The second, and arguably most important, step was to consult with and seek approval from PRC elders and central leaders. This was an unspoken rule of the personnel decision-making process during the 1980s, as Party elders often had the final say over personnel placements in their hometowns. Some examples provided by the author were the following: Beijing was overseen by Peng Zhen and Wan Li, often with conflicting views; Shanghai was overseen by Chen Yun; Guangdong was overseen by Ye Jianying; Hubei was overseen by Li Xiannian; and Shanxi was overseen by Bo Yibo.

It is important to note that in today’s China, the ability for CCP elders to influence personnel decisions on their home turf is likely nonexistent. The CCP takes great care in making sure regional leadership cohorts are not appointed in their home province, for the purpose of minimizing the potential for rising factions and the consolidation of power in any region. The Central Organization Department likely places a strong emphasis on interprovincial shuffles to avoid power bases from forming.

As expected of a department as sensitive as the Central Organization Department, there were also strict requirements on document-handling. According to Yan, all notebooks, documents, and personnel lists must be returned to the department upon an official’s resignation or departure. An interesting question is whether operational guidelines have evolved over the past decades and whether cadre files are now digitally stored with the same amount of security.

Elevation of Jiang Zemin

Left: Chen Yun with Jiang Zemin. Right: Jiang Zemin with Deng Xiaoping

Yan notes an interesting interaction with former CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin in 1985, a time when Jiang was pondering whether to take on the role of Shanghai Mayor or continue to work as a head of ministry. Jiang asked Yan whether ministers or mayors had more potential for future advancements. Yan’s response was that there were only slightly more than twenty provinces and municipalities in China, whereas there were over a hundred different ministries and institutions under the Party and State Council. Although all at the provincial- and ministerial-level, the governor or mayor of a province or municipality may not be as important as the top ministries in China, they are certainly more prominent than the Ministry of Electronics Industry5. Yan added that taking on the role of mayor in a key municipality could position oneself on the path to becoming party secretary and elevation to the CCP Politburo.

Ultimately, Jiang took on the role of Shanghai Mayor in the summer of 1985 and subsequently became the Shanghai Party Secretary in 1987 and the CCP General Secretary in 1989. Jiang Zemin’s rise to the top was largely influenced by the ousting of Zhao Ziyang following June 4th, 1989, but it is important to note that Jiang had the support of the two most powerful men in China during the 1980’s, Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping.

Classified documents

Yan mentions several key terms related to document dissemination within the CCP. Classified documents are broadly categorized into “formal documents” (正式文件), “situation briefings” (动态简报), and “reference materials” (参考资料). Understanding the scope and intended audience of these documents is essential to deciphering information flow to Chinese leadership and its subsequent decision making.

  • Formal documents:
    • Used by central Party and Government organizations to disseminate speeches and directives of top leaders. The most authoritative document is the red-header CCP Central Committee Document (《中共中央文件》).
  • Situation briefings:
    • Used by PRC organizations to report situations upwards, directives downwards, and information laterally. Examples included the Central Organization Department’s Organizational Work Bulletins (《组工通讯》), the Central Publicity Department’s Publicity Trends (《宣传动态》), and the Ministry of Public Security’s Adversarial Trends (《敌情动态》)
  • Reference materials:
    • Used by news agencies to provide actual situational developments within the country. Examples included the Xinhua News Agency’s Domestic Dynamic Proofs6 (《国内动态清样》), used to report sensitive domestic developments to central leadership, the Internal Reference (《内部参考》) for prefecture and department-level leadership, and the Internal Reference Selections (《内部选编》) for county-level officials.
Key Terms
  • Selected graduates (选调生)
  • “Third echelon (第三梯队)
  • Revolutionary family (红色家族)
  • Youth Cadre Bureau (青年干部局)
Notes
  1. “权力要移交给自己的孩子,不然以后会被挖祖坟”. Interestingly, Yan Huai has noted in interviews that he does not have any evidence that Chen Yun had actually coined this phrase. ↩︎
  2. 《提拔培养中青年干部是当务之急》, translated as “Promoting and Cultivating Young and Middle-aged Cadres is an Urgent Priority”. ↩︎
  3. 《关于选调应届优秀大学毕业生到基层培养锻炼的通知》, translated as “”Notice on the Selection of Outstanding University Graduates to Grassroots Units for Training and Cultivation”. ↩︎
  4. 《关于建立省级后备干部制度意见》, translated as “Opinions on the Establishment of a Provincial-level Reserve Cadre System”. ↩︎
  5. From 1982 to 1985, Jiang Zemin served as the vice-minister of the Ministry of Electronics Industry (电子工业部). In September of 1982, Jiang was elected as a member of the CCP Central Committee. ↩︎
  6. Also translated as Domestic News Proofs. ↩︎

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